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mardukm #348592 05/27/10 09:12 PM
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You're right, it doesn't matter if they're Protestants.

Now, let's stop the appeals to authority and show some actual evidence or valid reasoning.

Blessings

Last edited by mardukm; 05/27/10 09:12 PM.
mardukm #348604 05/28/10 06:11 AM
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Now, let's stop the appeals to authority and show some actual evidence or valid reasoning.

I gave you a list of materials to read. This is a complex subject that does not lend itself to proof-texting, and I am not going to transcribe entire chapters for your edification. If you are interested, find the books and read them. That's what I did.

StuartK #348644 05/29/10 08:01 AM
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Dear brother Stuart,

Originally Posted by StuartK
In the context of the Roman Empire in which the Church grew, the two concepts are distinct but not mutually exclusive. Auctoritas, which has no direct English equivalent, implies a kind of moral authority that conveys great influence. Potestas, on the other hand, is a purely juridical sort of power, which is conveyed by law, and explicitly involves subordination and the right to compel. The paterfamilias of a Roman family, for instance, held the patria potestas which, in theory, anyway, gave him absolute power, including the power of life and death, over all members of his household, including his own grown sons.

Potestas may convey auctoritas upon the bearer, but not necessarily; potestas abused becomes tyranny. A magistrate who abused his potestas (particularly the kind called imperium), or a father who abused his patria potestas, would actually lose much if not all of his auctoritas.

Auctoritas, on the other hand, is not at all dependent upon potestas. A privatus (private citizen) without any magistracy at all could wield enormous auctoritas by virtue of his personality or his acheivements. Auctoritas could, and generally did, trump potestas if the two came into conflict. As I pointed out, the Princeps Senatus in the Roman Republic was simply the first among the senators, yet his auctoritas exceeded any of the other consulars or proconsuls, and it would be difficult for the consuls themselves to pass a law without his acceptance.

The role of the Pope of Rome in the early Church was analogous to that of the Princeps Senatus: he was the first among the bishops. He was not greater than any other bishop, and his potestas extended only to his own diocese (and later, his metropolitan province). But his auctoritas (derived from his standing as head of the Church of Rome, and not from his own personality) was unmatched, and it would be extremely difficult for any new doctrine, teaching or ecclesiastical act to find legitimacy unless it received his endorsement, indicating reception by the Church of Rome.
I am glad you agree that potestas in and of itself is not bad, but only when it is abused. As I stated earlier, our real concern is in the frequency, manner, and method of its use. We have divine and ecclesiastical laws that govern that use.

So it seems we are in agreement. However, it is impossible for me to accept your idea that potestas can be separated from auctoritas in the Church. As I stated earlier, potestas can be divorced from auctoritas in the secular realm, but it is impossible to do so ecclesiastically because any and all auctoritas in the Church is derived from the awareness of the laity that any authority in the Church is derived from the potestas of God Himself, not just supported by God (which is the case for the civil potestas), but rather of God. Is there anything you can offer that can counter this foundational Truth?

I theorize that you are able to divorce potestas from auctoritas in the ecclesiastical sphere because of the weakened doctrine of God’s Justice within the Eastern Tradition, which is otherwise stronger in the Oriental and Western Traditions. Do you think that has something to do with it?

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Ironically, the prestige of the Church of Rome, based on its reputation for doctrinal soundness, was a direct result of its innate conservatism and lack of intellectual ferment. By the fourth century, Rome was already a backwater: the seat of government had moved north to Milan, and it is in that city (as well as in Carthage, Hippo and Lyons) that most of the lasting patristic contributions of the Western Church originate. As I said elsewhere, at that time, the most important theologians of the West were not Popes Liberius and Damasus, but men like Ambrose, Augustine, Vincent of Lerins and John Cassian. There were distinct schools of theology in Alexandria, Antioch, Africa, Milan and Gaul, but none in Rome, and that lack of intellectual curiosity meant Rome adopted new ideas slowly. As I have frequently noted, Rome remained strictly "paleo-Nicene" and did not accept the Creed of Constantinople until the Council of Ephesus--an interval of fifty years. So, when Rome did accept something, everybody knew it had to be correct.
I agree with you, but draw a different conclusion from those facts. That Rome maintained its primatial status despite the city becoming a “backwater,” as you put it, is very telling. It powerfully refutes the EO doctrine that the ecclesiastical primacy of a See was attached to its secular status. Amen and Amen!

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And that, in the end, is how Rome became the Good Housekeeping Seal of Approval for doctrine. Rome's one positive intervention in the theological controversies of the day was Pope Leo's Tomos, which (in modified form) became the core of the Chalcedonian Definition.
I think you forget that the Second Ecum’s defense of the Holy Spirit was explicitly partially based on Pope St. Damasus’ Tome. And perhaps you also forget the indispensable role Pope St. Celestine had on the doctrine of Pope St. Cyril at the Third Ecum. And, again, let’s not forget the doctrinal letter of Pope St. Agatho to the Sixth Ecum. Council which partially formed that Council’s Definition of Faith.

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Even as late as the Photian Controversy, the Western Church retained this conservative stamp. At the end of the day, Rome rejected the Filioque as an innovation (whatever happened to those silver shields on the doors of Old St. Peters?), leaving no theological basis for schism, and the rift was healed.
Rome never rejected the theology of Filioque. I would take the example of St. Maximos over St. Photius any day with regards to the Filioque controversy. The whole issue was based on ignorance on both sides of the Greek and Latin languages.

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But the opening century of the second millennium saw a much more assertive Papacy emerging from the Cluniac movement that was not only full of beans but also full of nifty ideas that it thought it could impose on everybody else. The new Papacy represented a radical discontinuity with the past, both in the scope and the intensity of its claims. In short, Rome's own self-image changed dramatically between the 9th century and the 11th century, and with it, the manner in which Rome tried to exercise its primacy. Good Cluniacs that they were, they tended to see the Church as a gigantic monastery, and the Pope as a super-abbot; as the abbot ran his monastery through his plena potestas over the monks, so the Pope would rule the Church through his plena potestas over all the other bishops and Churches.
That’s a nice theory, but let me propose a better one. Rome thought the East was in error, and therefore felt she was the only Church carrying on the true Faith. It is only to be expected that she would have a siege mentality, wanting everyone to be kept in line through uniformity. Good intentions – wrong approach. Rome has slowly, but surely, let go of that siege mentality, though I think the process is not yet complete, as reflected in our canons. Ironically, and sadly, it is now the Eastern Orthodox Church (or at least the more polemic branch, as reflected by Mt. Athos, a good portion of the Greek Orthodox Church, et al) that displays more of this siege mentality, trying to impose uniformity as the solution to unity.

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When combined with their ignorance of the Eastern Churches (Gregory the Great was a notable exception), and their belief that the Latin Church represented normative Christian belief and praxis, opposition was bound to emerge, helped along by the destruction or subsumption of the great Churches in the West, and the reduction of the Great Churches of the East to suffragans of Constantinople. A bi-polar world is inherently unstable, and conflict inevitable.
I generally agree with your statements here. However, I think what is missing is an admission that the Eastern Churches had an equal ignorance of and lack of appreciation for the West and her beliefs (though I think Antioch had always been more ecumenically-minded than the rest of Eastern Orthodoxy). This mutual ignorance is, I sincerely believe, the main cause for the debate over filioque, and other issues.

Blessings

StuartK #348645 05/29/10 08:09 AM
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Originally Posted by StuartK
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Now, let's stop the appeals to authority and show some actual evidence or valid reasoning.

I gave you a list of materials to read. This is a complex subject that does not lend itself to proof-texting, and I am not going to transcribe entire chapters for your edification. If you are interested, find the books and read them. That's what I did.
I would honestly not have the time to read them.

Perhaps you can respond to my opposition to your mother-church theory, or your local -> universal form of gov't theory by just a few quotes (entire chapters are not necessary grin).

I mean, do any of those authors take into account that there was a Church of Pauline foundation with a bishop in a civic metropolis on the very same island as Corinth?

Can any of those authors give a good reason why the Church did not have an awareness of its universality that it would only look to the local synagogue, and not the Temple hierarchy, for its form of ecclesiastical government?

Etc., etc.

Blessings

mardukm #348646 05/29/10 09:04 AM
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Perhaps you can respond to my opposition to your mother-church theory, or your local -> universal form of gov't theory by just a few quotes (entire chapters are not necessary ).

It would not suffice, but go look at 1 Clement, because Clement himself does that. And he also tells the Corinthians that they should follow the example of Paul, who is the founder of both the Corinthian and Roman Churches. Peter is not the foremost Apostle mentioned in 1 Clement.

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I mean, do any of those authors take into account that there was a Church of Pauline foundation with a bishop in a civic metropolis on the very same island as Corinth?

The Corinthians are appealing to Rome because Rome is seen as Paul's Church par excellence. Other Pauline Churches in the Pelopennesos are co-equal with Corinth, while Rome has special standing.

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Can any of those authors give a good reason why the Church did not have an awareness of its universality that it would only look to the local synagogue, and not the Temple hierarchy, for its form of ecclesiastical government?

Two different issues wrapped up in one sentence.

Take the first one first: the Church was aware of its universality in the Eucharist. As Christ is one and indivisible, so the Eucharist is one and indivisible, and all those who partook of the Eucharist celebrated by a bishop ordained in the Apostolic Succession partook of the same Body and Blood of Christ. The mutual recognition and communion of bishops constituted the universality (katholike) of the Church, while its fullness (katholike) was inherent in every local Church where the Eucharist was celebrated.

On to the second issue: in the New Testament, the Greek word for priest (hieros) is applied to only three people or groups: (1) the Aaronic priesthood of the Temple; (2) Christ himself; and (3) the entire Body of Christ, who share in his priesthood. This is foundational. On the other hand, the ordained ministers of Christ are designated as "overseers" or "stewards" (episkopoi); "elders" (presbyteroi); and "servants" (diakonoi). The first two are synagogue, not temple offices; the last is sui generis--it has no parallel either in Temple or synagogue worship. In fact, the very word used by Christ to refer to his Church--ekklesia--is merely the Greek equivalent of the word for synagogue; both mean "the assembly".

On the other hand, Christ refers to the supersession of the Temple and its replacement by the temple of his own person. The Apostles--particularly Paul--were emphatic on this distinction, which both the Catholic and Orthodox Churches uphold to this day: Christ is the one High Priest; the People of God do share in his priesthood; the ordained ministers of the Church act on Christ's behalf. The use of the term hieros applied to bishops begins only in the third century, and only becomes common in the fourth as the sacrificial aspect of the Eucharist rises to greater prominence. But it's sloppy theology and a definite evolution from the belief of the early Church.

Now, while the Church relied on the synagogue for its organization and the ranks of its ministers, it looked to both the Temple and the Synagogue as the model for its liturgy. The Liturgy of the Word is lifted directly from Synagogue usage, with its combination of Psalms, litanies, intercessory prayers, readings and homilies. The Liturgy of the Eucharist, on the other hand, comes from the Temple, because it is, after all, a sacrifice, albeit a bloodless one. We in the Eastern Churches also explicitly model our temples after the Jerusalem temple, with its outer and inner courtyards and its Holy of Holies.

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I would honestly not have the time to read them.

Then we are at an impass (especially as I was going to add several more books to the list).

I once asked a question of Father Taft, and he responded by asking me if I had read one of his books. I said no. He named several other books, and I said no. And then he gave me that look, said, "Well, then, you aren't qualified to have this conversation", and he walked away. I learned my lesson from that.

StuartK #348681 05/30/10 06:23 AM
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Dear brother Stuart,

Originally Posted by StuartK
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Perhaps you can respond to my opposition to your mother-church theory, or your local -> universal form of gov't theory by just a few quotes (entire chapters are not necessary ).
It would not suffice, but go look at 1 Clement, because Clement himself does that. And he also tells the Corinthians that they should follow the example of Paul, who is the founder of both the Corinthian and Roman Churches. Peter is not the foremost Apostle mentioned in 1 Clement.
Pope St. Clement exhorts them to follow St. Paul’s letter to them, and all of a sudden, he is more important than St. Peter? That sounds like the normal Protestant rhetoric that St. Paul was the leader of the Church because he wrote more letters than any of the other Apostles. crazy

Originally Posted by StuartK
Quote
I mean, do any of those authors take into account that there was a Church of Pauline foundation with a bishop in a civic metropolis on the very same island as Corinth?
The Corinthians are appealing to Rome because Rome is seen as Paul's Church par excellence. Other Pauline Churches in the Pelopennesos are co-equal with Corinth, while Rome has special standing.
So you’re saying that Rome had a universal auctoritas in the Church? Well, we certainly agree on that point. But the existence of auctoritas alone would not explain why the Corinthian Church would feel that Rome was more qualified than any of the other Pauline Churches to rule on the matter. They had to believe that Rome had a potestas – a right, a prerogative to rule on the matter - in relation to Corinth that the other Sees (Athens, Ephesus) did not have. The situation demonstrates that the primordial headship in the Church – the headship received from the model of the Apostles - was universal instead of local. It was only much later that regional headship became more practical, and eventually canonized.

The foundational principle is that “Whoever listens to you, listens to me,” as Jesus exhorted. Any auctoritas exercised in the Church is exercised by virtue of the potestas of our Lord. You have yet to demonstrate from Scripture or the Fathers that this is not the case.

So enough of this "mother Church" business. Rome did not found Corinth any more than Athens or Ephesus founded Corinth. Corinth appealed to Rome for the simple reason that it recongized she had the authority (whether as auctoritas or potestas) to settle the matter.

Originally Posted by StuartK
Quote
Can any of those authors give a good reason why the Church did not have an awareness of its universality that it would only look to the local synagogue, and not the Temple hierarchy, for its form of ecclesiastical government?
Take the first one first: the Church was aware of its universality in the Eucharist. As Christ is one and indivisible, so the Eucharist is one and indivisible, and all those who partook of the Eucharist celebrated by a bishop ordained in the Apostolic Succession partook of the same Body and Blood of Christ. The mutual recognition and communion of bishops constituted the universality (katholike) of the Church, while its fullness (katholike) was inherent in every local Church where the Eucharist was celebrated.
We’re not just talking here of a universal identity (which the Eucharistic model sufficiently exemplifies), but rather a universal mission, which requires rules and good order. Unity and universality in communion does not address the question of who has the authority to rule on matters which the local Church cannot resolve. The evidence before the 4th century points to Rome, despite the existence of other centers of Christianity. So the local -> universal theory does not hold water. At best, if one insists that local headship existed at this early stage, then one must also admit that there was a simultaneous recognition of the ultimate headship of the bishop of Rome among the bishops of every nation.

Originally Posted by StuartK
On to the second issue: in the New Testament, the Greek word for priest (hieros) is applied to only three people or groups: (1) the Aaronic priesthood of the Temple; (2) Christ himself; and (3) the entire Body of Christ, who share in his priesthood. This is foundational. On the other hand, the ordained ministers of Christ are designated as "overseers" or "stewards" (episkopoi); "elders" (presbyteroi); and "servants" (diakonoi). The first two are synagogue, not temple offices; the last is sui generis--it has no parallel either in Temple or synagogue worship. In fact, the very word used by Christ to refer to his Church--ekklesia--is merely the Greek equivalent of the word for synagogue; both mean "the assembly".

On the other hand, Christ refers to the supersession of the Temple and its replacement by the temple of his own person. The Apostles--particularly Paul--were emphatic on this distinction, which both the Catholic and Orthodox Churches uphold to this day: Christ is the one High Priest; the People of God do share in his priesthood; the ordained ministers of the Church act on Christ's behalf. The use of the term hieros applied to bishops begins only in the third century, and only becomes common in the fourth as the sacrificial aspect of the Eucharist rises to greater prominence. But it's sloppy theology and a definite evolution from the belief of the early Church.
All true. But you’re missing one role in the Church given by Christ – “servant.” This was a title/role particularly attached to the Apostles, the heads of the Church. And Christ taught us that He would set one of these servants over his entire household. But this was nothing new, merely reflecting the traditional hierarchy of Israel. Accordingly, Pope St. Clement writes in his letter to the Corinthians that Moses was “a faithful servant in all His house,” and compares the whole affair with Moses’ judgment in the dispute among the 12 tribes regarding the priesthood.

Originally Posted by StuartK
Now, while the Church relied on the synagogue for its organization and the ranks of its ministers, it looked to both the Temple and the Synagogue as the model for its liturgy. The Liturgy of the Word is lifted directly from Synagogue usage, with its combination of Psalms, litanies, intercessory prayers, readings and homilies. The Liturgy of the Eucharist, on the other hand, comes from the Temple, because it is, after all, a sacrifice, albeit a bloodless one. We in the Eastern Churches also explicitly model our temples after the Jerusalem temple, with its outer and inner courtyards and its Holy of Holies.
I fully agree with your comment on the Liturgy, but only partially agree with your assumption of the synagogue being the sole model for the Church’s organization and ranks. If you want to leave out the synagogue in our consideration of the Church’s ecclesiastical government, and consider the Church’s hierarchy sui generis, that is fine. But if you insist on including the synagogue, then I insist as well that the Church’s self-awareness of its organizational structure necessarily went beyond the synagogue model, given the Church’s self-awareness of the universality of its mission.

Originally Posted by StuartK
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I would honestly not have the time to read them.
Then we are at an impass (especially as I was going to add several more books to the list).

I once asked a question of Father Taft, and he responded by asking me if I had read one of his books. I said no. He named several other books, and I said no. And then he gave me that look, said, "Well, then, you aren't qualified to have this conversation", and he walked away. I learned my lesson from that.
In principle, I agree. And if you have a book published on the matter, I will read your thoughts expressed in that book and not bother you here. Until then, I feel no obligation to read anyone else’s books. I am interested in your thoughts, not theirs.

Blessings

mardukm #348749 06/01/10 02:55 AM
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Dear brother Stuart,

What do you think of this understanding of papal primacy:

http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/john_paul_ii/audiences/alpha/data/aud19930224en.html

I note especially HH's statement that Vatican 1 did "not assign to the Pope a power or responsibility to intervene daily in the local churches."

Blessings

mardukm #348751 06/01/10 05:57 AM
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Needs work. For instance, while it did not assign him the power or responsibility to intervene daily, neither did it preclude him from doing so, or define the circumstances under which such intervention would be justified. In my discussions with a number of Orthodox theologians, this, much more than infallibility, is seen as a stumbling block. Infallibility can be "clarified" into nullity (if it has not already), but universal, immediate ordinary jurisdiction will require a juridical definition (much as the Orthodox hated to say so): a precise explanation of what this jurisdiction means, when it can be applied, and how it can be applied. Because, as Eastern Catholics, we know all too well (and the Orthodox have observed all too well) just how that jurisdiction works in practice today.

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